TUAC EVALUATION OF THE OUTCOME OF THE G8 BIRMINGHAM SUMMIT
May 1998
Overview
1. At the Birmingham G8 Summit the host, British Prime Minister Tony Blair, sought to introduce a series of innovations to make the summit discussion
more focused and less formal. The Heads of State and Government met alone,
without Foreign and Finance Ministers who had met on 8 May, a week earlier
in London and reported to the Summit. The agenda was intended to be restricted
to three issues:- the lessons of the Asian crisis for the global economy;
employment; and international crime. The final communique was ten pages,
half the length of previous years' conclusions. A separate G7 (i.e. excluding
Russia) Chairman's statement was made primarily on the economic and financial
situation.
2. In practice however the nuclear explosions in India and the social
explosion in Indonesia dominated the meeting. These events illustrated
both the fault lines in the global economy and the inability of the G8
to agree on a common response.
3. On the central points of discussion, the Summit:-
- made a statement condemning the Indian government's nuclear tests,
but the leaders were split on the issue of sanctions;
- on the financial crisis in Asia, called for the full implementation
of IMF programmes, emphasized sound economic policy, transparency and good
governance, the protection of the poor and a resistance of protectionism
(§ 4 of the Summit communique);
- on the World Trade Organisation, called for more "transparency",
application of the "built-in agenda", liberalisation in new areas, and
the better integration of developing countries (§ 5);
- on development, agreed with the OECD's goals which include
halving world poverty by 2015, but failed to respond to the high profile
"Jubilee 2000" campaign of NGO's and trade unions to improve on the current
terms of debt relief (§ 7);
- on sustainable development, focused primarily on climate change
and called for the implementation of the Kyoto Protocol's binding targets
for greenhouse gas reductions (§ 11);
- on growth, employability and inclusion, endorsed the "seven
principles" of the London G8 Jobs Conference, specifically calling for
action in four areas:- measures for hard hit groups; company start-ups;
tax and benefits reform; and lifelong learning. For the first time in a
full G8 communique, the "involvement of employers and unions" is called
for (§ 13-16);
- on core labour standards and trade, the Summit supported "continued
collaboration between the ILO and WTO secretariats" and the proposed ILO
declaration and implementation mechanism on core labour standards (§
17);
- on international crime, a wide agenda was set out with a range
of areas for increased cooperation including high tech crime, a UN Convention
on money-laundering, corruption, human trafficking, joint law enforcement,
firearms, environmental crime and drugs (§ 18-23).
Key Points for Trade Union Follow-up
Global Growth
4. The trade union statement to the Summit called for action to "sustain
global growth and support balanced domestic demand" in the light of the
deflationary effects of the Asian crisis. The Summit was expected to urge
the government of Japan to take new measures to expand its domestic economy
in the light of the doubling of its trade surplus and collapse of domestic
demand. The events in Indonesia thwarted this and instead the G7 Chairman's
statement simply welcomed the existing Japanese government's economic package.
The fall of the parity of the Yen following the meeting was a disturbing
reaction. For Europe, the communique states that "sound fiscal policies
and continuing structural reform" are the key to success. This appears
highly complacent and trade unions will need to press vigilantly for growth-
orientated policies.
Asian Financial Crisis
5. Although the communique has words of concern for the effects of the
Asian crisis on the poor, the G8 response in the wake of the Indonesian
bloodshed fundamentally misjudges the response. The acts which sparked
the social explosion on 14 May in Indonesia were the energy and transport
price hikes called for by the IMF. Yet the G8 response to the Asian countries
is "the full implementation of programmes agreed with the IMF" (§
4).
6. On crisis prevention the communique talks of sound economic policy,
transparency and good governance (§ 4). The G8 should have clearly
stated that democratic accountability and human rights including trade
union rights have to be vigorously promoted if future crises are to be prevented.
7. The G7 Chairman's statement acknowledges (§ 6) that the Asian
crisis has demonstrated "the potential weakness and vulnerabilities in
the global financial system". The response however is to encourage the
IMF to collect more financial data, to develop a code on financial and
monetary policy, to publish more information on countries and to establish
a system of multilateral surveillance of financial regulatory systems.
These measures, as after the Mexican crisis in 1998, may each be desirable
in their own right but fail fundamentally to add up to an adequate response
to the crisis. The international trade union movement has called for an
International Commission to be established to report on the new financial
architecture which is necessary and bring this debate into the public arena.
Unions must continue to press for action.
8. The G7 meeting of Finance Ministers on 8 May also drew attention
to the need for a Code on Corporate Governance, being developed in the OECD. This is due to be drawn up in the period up to the end of the year
by a high-level group which is to include some trade union representation.
TUAC will follow this up closely.
Debt and Development
9. The communique's starting point for development is a commitment to
the objectives of the OECD's 21st Century Strategy, i.e. the halving of
world poverty by 2015. It refers to a range of broad initiatives including
the ratification of the OECD Anti-bribery Convention, the development of
social infrastructure and OECD work on untying aid. However, it was debt
relief that became the issue by which the Summit was to be judged for deeds
rather than just words.
10. "Jubilee 2000" - a coalition of NGO's, including trade unions, calling
for a write-off of debt for the world's poorest countries successfully
influenced much media coverage of the Summit. The NGO position had been
supported in the trade union statement which called on the summit "to improve
on and accelerate the implementation of the "Heavily Indebted Poorer Countries"
initiative of the IMF and World Bank so as to bring genuine debt relief
for the world's poorest countries". In practice, the G8 were unable to
agree on improving the initiative. Despite much sympathetic language in
the communique, the key passage of the communique (§ 7-5th indent)
simply urges countries to make themselves eligible for the existing HIPC
initiative. There was no action taken to improve the eligibility criteria
as called for by the NGO's.
Employment
11. The Birmingham Summit communique builds on the G8 London Employability
Conference held in February. It endorses the "seven principles" of the
London Conference (§ 14) on the basis of which National Action Plans
were produced. Particular commitments are made (§ 15) on measures
to help target groups; entrepreneurship; tax and benefit system; and the
promotion of lifelong learning. For the first time in a G8 Heads of Government
communique it "underlined the importance of the involvement of employers
and unions in securing successful implementation of these Plans" (§
14).
12. For trade unions this agenda is to be welcomed, it is one which
focuses on "active labour market policies" rather than deregulation and
negative flexibility. The emphasis on union involvement is significant
and TUAC will be working with affiliates on the question of follow-up to
the National Action Plans. These have now been published and should be
available from national governments or the TUAC Secretariat.
Labour Standards and Workers' Rights
13. The communique makes several general references to the need to spread
more widely the benefits of globalisation (§ 1), good governance and
civil society (§ 4, 7), respect for basic human rights (§ 8),
and social inclusion (§ 13). However, the central paragraph on labour
standards is paragraph 17. This renews the G8 Leaders' "support for global
progress towards the implementation of internationally recognised core
labour standards, including continued collaboration between ILO and WTO
secretariats in accordance with the conclusions of the Singapore conference
and the proposal for an ILO declaration and implementation mechanism on
these labour standards". This should be of support for the establishment
of a positive declaration on these rights at the ILO with a strong implementation
mechanism. It should also be used to argue for the non-existent cooperation
between ILO and WTO secretariats to now begin. It was significant however
that the reference to workers' rights was in the section on employment,
not the paragraph on the new WTO agenda. The international trade union
movement will have to redouble its efforts to get the WTO to address labour
standards seriously in the run up to the launch of the "Millennium Round"
of trade negotiations.
Conclusions
14. Overall the Birmingham Summit was complacent on the immediate growth
prospects and provided an inadequate response to the need for an effective
reaction to the Asian crisis. There is still a need for an International
Commission to be established to report on the new framework that is needed
to regulate international financial markets. There is also a need to allow
full public debate in this process. The Summit also failed to respond to
the need for a more generous approach to debt relief. The G8 did however
make progress on establishing a more practical agenda for national plans
on employability and significantly called for union involvement in the
implementation of these plans.